Thursday, 06 August 2015 12:04

2015: Between Liberation and Slavery , Part 1

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Non-caliphate Nigerians seem to have no clue what time it is in their history. They are unaware that they have arrived at the fateful junction where, depending on how they vote on Feb 14, they will either go into slavery for untold generations to come, or set out on a path to liberation. They have sleepwalked into their moment of fateful decision. If they don’t wake up now, they could vote themselves into slavery. But if, by some miracle, they are startled or shaken awake, they have a chance to vote their way out of the slavery path on which they have been for 70 years.

My task today is to help them see that such is the case. In the first section “Discourse on our mumu”, I shall explore why most Nigerians have been oblivious of what the basic struggle in Nigeria has been about since 1945. I shall then, in the section “2015 Election issues”, examine the issues that are dominating this election. And show why the peoples of the New South should not allow themselves to be conned into voting for Buhari, the Caliphate candidate.

Discourse on Our “mumu”

Our 'mumu' (is it stupidity?) has caught up with us. Now, no one can escape the dire consequences of living in our cultural and institutional deceit, self-denial and delusions.

In brotherly frankness, please take these from me,
Amos Akingba.

The quote is the last paragraph of Amos Akingba’s email of 0 5jan15 to his aburo. It shall be the text for my discourse on why the decades-long struggle for a True Federalism Constitution stands today in danger of being defeated. What he calls “our mumu” is what has kept us from understanding what has been the main theme of Nigeria’s history and from discerning the true significance of the imminent presidential election.
From the backroom where ill health has confined me, I’ve been watching this struggle for a True Federalism Constitution, TFC, and I have a few observations to share with the elders and captains of the struggle.

The handwriting on the wall, as I see it, is that the chance of winning the struggle for TFC by dialogue and negotiation was lost on the Confab floor during its closing session when Arewa delegates introduced a surprise amendment to the Confab Report requiring that it be sent to the NASS as proposed amendments to the 1999 Constitution. By not defeating that amendment, the non-Caliphate majority of the delegates threw away all the marvelous gains they had made. I call the non-Caliphate part of Nigeria the New South, i.e. south of Shariyaland. It is comprised of the geo-political zones of South-West, South-South, South-East, plus the Middle Belt [i.e. the North-Central zone as well as the indigenous non-Hausa-Fulani-Kanuri-peoples (Hafukawa) who are trapped in Shariyaland itself, such as the Zuru in Kebbi State and the Chibok in Borno State.] The alliance that the New South delegates began at the Confab secured far reaching recommendations in the Confab Report. In not defeating that amendment, the New South delegates sent the report to a NASS where Arewa can kill or gut it. Unless their fraudulently built-in dominance at the NAS S can somehow be overcome, Arewa will get NASS to nullify the Confab Report and return the struggle for TFC to square zero where it started decades ago.

Why that amendment was not defeated is a matter for another discussion. My aim here is to draw attention to what should be done to begin to reverse that setback. Every struggle suffers its setbacks, some avoidable, some not avoidable. But once it has happened, the challenge is to recover from the setback and push on till you achieve victory. To help promote such recovery, permit me to make some suggestions, starting with the quite obvious, since the obvious has a tendency to be overlooked in human affairs.

A post mortem session
The first thing a team or group should do after a setback, and indeed after every operation, whether successful or not, is a post mortem (a.k.a. Criticism self-criticism , CSC) session.

During their post-Confab CSC session, I suggest that the prime concern of the TFC leaders should be to understand what Amos Akingba has perceptively and provocatively called “Our mumu.” The second issue that the CSC session should take up is the rebranding of the TFC struggle and turning it into the New South Liberation Movement, NSLM.

Firstly, what is our” mumu” and how do we end it?

Here is my take on what it is.

To guide our understanding of it, here are two precepts from Sun Tzu, the master strategician (expert in strategics, the science of strategy) from ancient China:

One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter alliances with them.”

Know the enemy and know yourself; in a hundred battles, you will never be defeated.”

Our “mumu’, broadly speaking, has been our ignorance and non-application of these two precepts.

But our principal mumu has been our ignorance of precept (a). Discovering the designs of our neighbor, by showing us that we have an enemy and who that enemy is, will help cure us of our disregard of precept (b). So let’s focus on precept (a).
Our “mumu” is our refusal to understand the designs of our Caliphate neighbors [a.k.a the Hafukawa (the Hausa-Fulani-Kanuri people), the Arewa sosei (the True North) or the Shariyalanders] with whom we addictively insist on cohabiting Lugard’s Nigeria. What we have refused to understand may be broken down into the following items:
Mumu #1: The Caliphate is the subcontractor to whom the British colonialists, under cover of granting independence in 1960, handed over Nigeria to colonize for them. They are the licensed sub-colonizers for the British imperialists.

Mumu #2: The ambition of the Caliphate, its design on its neighbors in Nigeria, is to be the perpetual colonial masters over all other Nigerians-–this is sometimes hazily glimpsed as their “born to rule” mentality. The non-Caliphate Nigerians have failed to investigate the designs of our Caliphate neighbors. As a result we have not understood who it is we insist on cohabiting Nigeria with. Without knowing their colonialist designs, we have sought to build a “One Nigeria” in which they are included as partners. In so doing, we have been like mice who insist on cohabiting a cage with a cat, on the blind assumption that the cat is their brother, and is just another mouse, and therefore not a predator who eats mice. The cat has gladly gone along with the foolish and undiscerning mice, hoping they’ll never wise up to its designs on them until it’s too late for them.

Mumu #3: The Caliphate uses religion, its project of “advancing Sharia”, as cover for expanding its influence, beyond its Arewa/Shariyaland base area, into the rest of its inherited colony called Nigeria.

Mumu #4: The Caliphate is incorrigibly anti-democracy, and will use whatever it can—coups, pogroms, fraudulent constitutions, rigged elections etc.—to prevent democracy from taking root in Nigeria. That is the prime lesson from June 12 and the frauds of the 1999 constitution, but we’ve refused to learn and apply it.
Ignorance of, and even willful refusal to understand, these four things is what constitutes “our mumu.” Our mumu has been the radical error of the non-Caliphate Nigerians since negotiations for independence began in the mid-1940s. It is still with us as we go into the 2015 elections. And that is where it could accomplish our permanent enslavement to the Caliphate.

For some 70 years now, we have assumed that the Caliphate is simply our partner in the project of winning independence from Britain and building Nigeria into a nation. But, in fact, the Caliphate has always had other designs. It has been a colonialist predator and not our partner in building “One Nigeria”. We non-Caliphate Nigerians have been acting on this lack of understanding of our Caliphate “partners”. Here are key examples:
1950s: Because they wanted a big One Nigeria, the South (the then Eastern and Western regions) delayed their independence and waited for a North which claimed it was not ready. Had they understood the colonialist designs of the Caliphate, they would have refused to even consider the idea of co-existing with the Caliphate within Nigeria, and would have taken their independence separately in 1956. In waiting for the North, the South were like mice on a ship who refused to set sail until the cat came on board. That was our Mumu #2 in action.

1970s: During the negotiation for the 1979 constitution, the North insis
ted on inclusion of Sharia in a secular constitution. They were accommodated without our realizing that we were accommodating a cat among the mice. That was our Mumu

#3 in action.
2014: At the Confab, the Arewa delegates came organized as a militant colonialist corps determined to protect their empire at any cost. But the non-Caliphate delegates went there without consciously organizing as a militant anti-colonialist Crusader corps to battle the Caliphate colonialist Jihadist corps. Whereas the Confab was taken as a serious battlefield by the Arewa delegates, the non-Caliphate delegates approached the confab as if it was a boardroom negotiation between partners in building “One Nigeria”. That, again, was our Mumu #2 in action.

Then, after having made significant gains in the negotiations, the non-Caliphate delegates failed to defeat the last minute Arewa trickster amendment that, rather than bypassing the NASS and treating the report as a basis for an entirely new constitution, sent the report to the NASS as mere recommendations for amending the fraudulent 1999 constitution. Had they gone to the confab with the militant spirit of freedom fighters for liberation from Caliphate Colonialism, they would have been on high alert and would not have allowed that trickster amendment to go through. Again that was our Mumu#2 in action.
2015: As we head towards the February elections, the Nigerian voters, not having learned the prime lesson of June 12, are ignorant of the incorrigible anti-democracy character of the Caliphate colonialists. They therefore regard the Jonathan-Buhari contest as just another contest between two Nigerian democrats. Not recognizing that Buhari is the candidate and agent of the anti-democracy Caliphate colonialists who aborted June 12, or not recognizing what the Caliphate’s anti-democracy would mean should Buhari win, many are prepared to vote for Buhari rather than against him. That is our Mumu #4 in action.

This is quite ominous. Just as the Caliphate, from its fear of democracy, aborted June 12, you can bet that, through an elected or rigged-in “President Buhari,” it will abort the present experiment in democracy using any means it finds necessary—coup, army mutiny, pogrom, martial law, state of emergency, the illegal suspension of the constitution or some other gimmick that would help them eternally entrench their fraudulent 1999 constitution. Buhari is hypocritically posing as a democrat who will sweep the political stables clean of corruption etc. From his history we know he won’t. Enemies of democracy have been known to get into office through democratic election only to turn and destroy the democracy by which they won power. That’s exactly how Hitler got the power with which he plagued the world. So beware of Buhari’s democratic posturing. Recall his tyranny when he was military head of state and learn your lesson. Can the leopard change his spots or the cat stop mousing? So, the main issue in this election is Buhari and the Caliphate colonialism that he represents. Do we want them to perpetually enslave us and rub pepper into our eyes? That’s what our history says should determine how we vote. If Buhari wins, we are defeated and will end up permanently enslaved to the Caliphate Colonialists. But if Buhari is defeated, we have a chance to continue our liberation struggle.

The first task of Nigerians today should be to understand our “mumu,” and having done so, to work out ways to end it. After recognizing the designs of our Caliphate neighbors for what they are-- namely Caliphate colonialism, that is to say, the perpetual enslavement of all non-Caliphate Nigerians--we can understand that they are the enemy in our midst and why. Having come to know our enemy, we would have fulfilled the first part of Sun Tzu’s precept to “know the enemy etc.”
Without knowing that the Caliphate is our enemy, we can’t hope to win our struggle for TFC.
After the leaders of the TFC struggle understand all that, their next task should be to get the tens of millions of non-Caliphate Nigerians to also understand and end this our “mumu.” Only then can they vote in their own basic and long-term strategic interest and vote against Buhari and the Caliphate.
Whether that public enlightenment task can be accomplished before Feb. 14, is another matter. But however much can be done should be done. Regardless of who wins, the enlightenment campaign should be continued thereafter so as to prepare the minds of non-Caliphate Nigerians for the post-election resumption of the struggle for TFC. That knowledge will help to mobilize them for the rest of the struggle.
Let me sum up briefly. We need to know that the Caliphate is an incorrigible colonizer and anti-democracy feudalist; it is determined to colonize and perpetually enslave all the other Nigerians. You can’t defeat an enslaver until you recognize that his mission is to enslave you. It is only after gaining that precious insight that you can organize appropriately and do whatever is necessary to defeat him. Gaining that insight and acting on it would constitute the ending of our “mumu.” If Buhari wins on February 14, then all of us of the New South lose—regardless of our religion, regardless of our ethnicity, regardless of our political party; and we all and our posterity become slaves of the Caliphate colonialists.
Why rebrand as the New South Liberation Movement, NSLM?
Another issue that the CSC session should take up is the rebranding of the struggle and turning it into the New South Liberation Movement, NSLM. So, why rebrand? Why NSLM?
A crucial step in ending our “mumu” is for us to recognize that the issue for us all in the New South is liberation or slavery.
One consequence of our “mumu” has been our comparatively laid back approach to the struggle. Instead of meeting the militancy of Arewa with our own counter militancy, we have been making gentleman, negotiating rather than fighting. In December 2013, on the way to the National Conference, one of the Caliphate militants, Dr Junaid Mohammed, even warned us that “Supporters of SNC asking for civil war’” and that “There’ll be bloodshed, if Jonathan runs”. And, like mumu, we failed to take the hint, failed to realize that they were already in war mode going into the National Conference. And the New South delegates went to the same conference in gentlemanly, negotiations mode. The other side has been fighting with the vigilance and courage of desperation, the desperation of a hungry lion who won’t let his prey escape and deny him his dinner.

Now a prey under attack by a predator needs to fight with even greater desperation from fear of losing its life. But we have not been doing so because we have not realized that we are in a fight for our lives and liberty. They have an empire to lose; we have our liberty to regain, but have not been keen to pay the inevitable price for our liberty. They have threatened war to defend the constitution by which they feed on us; are we determined to go to war to get the constitution that will protect us from becoming their dinner? We have everything going for us, except the most important: we are not desperate for freedom. The other side is desperate to deprive us of our freedom but we are not desperate for it—we are not desperate to keep even what little of it we haven’t lost in the last six decades of fake independence, let alone get the full liberty that we sought to regain by struggling for independence. If we continue in the laidback mood and negotiating mode exhibited at the confab, we will lose everything.

Now, rebranding our cause will do wonders for us. Here’s how.

By redefining the struggle as a struggle for liberation rather than a negotiation for more suitable terms for cohabitation, we gain several advantages:

1. We clarify that we have an enemy and identify him as the Caliphate colonialist who wants to conquer, dominate and enslave us. We stop seeing him as a negotiating partner for our common good in Lugard’s “One Nigeria.”
2. Knowing that we have this common enemy provides us with a basis for a fighting unity. The entire New South, the assorted victims of Caliphate Colonialism, will now see the reason to band together to fight and win our collective freedom from our common enemy. The Caliphate will then lose the advantages of its divide and dominate tactics of the past. That’s why we should rebrand as the New South Liberation Movement.
3. This rebranding will jolt us out of a negotiating mode and into a fighting mode.
4. It will spark in us the militant enthusiasm of freedom fighters who are defending their people, culture and territory.
5. Fighting for our territory and people and culture will spark the enhanced energies, alertness and creativity that comes with fighting for life and liberty. A man chased by a killer can leap a wall of 7ft, or a ditch of 20ft.

Such are the decisive advantages that this proposed rebranding will bring to our side: clarity, unity, fighting spirit, enhanced energies and creativity, militant enthusiasm.
Let me sum up. In attempting to craft a True Federalism Constitution for a Nigeria that includes the Caliphate we have been like mice negotiating with a cat the terms of their cohabitation in a cage. We have not recognized that the Caliphate cat is not our partner in the project of building a Nigerian nation but our colonial master and enslaver. Therefore we have been “mumu”--actually suicidal “mumu”--negotiating the best terms for our own murder by the cat. If we mean to stay alive, we should be organizing among ourselves for our liberation from both the cage and the cat. That’s what the TFC campaign should be turned into. Switching from one perception of our struggle to the other is the radical transformation we now need to effect. And rebranding the movement will help us redefine our task and produce a galvanizing change in our perspective and attitude to the struggle for TFC. Most importantly, it will help us recognize that we have an enemy from whom we need to liberate ourselves. When we start talking of liberation we will recognize that our struggle is a continuation of the aborted 1950s struggle for freedom and independence.

This rebranding would reconfigure our project and correct the radical error, our “mumu”, that has crippled us for the past 70 years. It will result in the militancy we have lacked, as well as bring us unity among ourselves. Recognizing that we all need liberation from the same enemy will end our susceptibility to the divide and rule tactics of the Caliphate cat. The new perspective will foster the unity we need to win our liberation struggle.

Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

***A contribution to the Abuja symposium on “NATIONAL CONFAB AND THE 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS” on MONDAY, 2ND FEBRUARY 2015

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